Why India Needs a Comprehensive Polar Strategy

For generations, India’s strategic policies have been anchored by two geographical features: the Himalayas guarding its northern boundaries and the Indian Ocean protecting its maritime boundaries. However, amid renewed scientific and strategic attention as well as great power competitions, other frontiers –  the Arctic Sea and the Antarctic – are quietly redefining the country’s security, economic, and diplomatic landscape.

Against this background, the Parliamentary Standing Committee on External Affairs’ report on “India’s Role and Presence in the Arctic and Antarctic Regions” is more than a routine parliamentary exercise. The committee deemed India’s current approach to the polar region inadequate. It recommended appointing a polar ambassador and creating a dedicated Polar Affairs Desk within the Ministry of External Affairs to strengthen capability and pursue a more proactive diplomatic role in both poles.

While the recommendation deserves support, appointing a dedicated ambassador should be seen only as a beginning for India’s polar presence. What New Delhi requires is a comprehensive polar strategy that integrates scientific research with diplomacy, maritime interests, climate security, economic needs, and long-term strategic planning.

Why the Poles Matter

India is not a newcomer to the polar regions. It launched the Indian Antarctic Program in 1981 and established a sustained scientific presence through research stations like Dakshin Gangotri (now decommissioned), Maitri, Bharti, and Maitri II (upcoming). In the Arctic, India’s engagement evolved through the establishment of the Himadri research station in Svalbard (2008), then observer status in the Arctic Council (2012), and finally the adoption of India’s Arctic policy in 2022.

While these initiatives have earned India considerable scientific credibility, they also exposed a strategic paradox. India expanded its scientific footprint in the polar regions, but its diplomatic and institutional architecture remains limited. The Arctic states as well as several Arctic Council observer states have polar ambassadors and dedicated institutional mechanisms to coordinate and cooperate in polar diplomacy, scientific research, and strategic planning, something that India clearly lacks.

The Parliamentary Standing Committee rightly identified this institutional gap. Its recommendation clearly indicates that the polar world can no longer be treated only as a niche scientific domain and requires strategic intervention to protect and promote Indian foreign policy interests.

The strongest argument for a comprehensive polar strategy lies not only in distant geopolitics but also in India’s own national interest. The first and foremost reason to pay attention to the poles is climate security. As per reports from the International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), the Arctic is warming nearly four times faster than the global average, causing alterations in atmospheric circulation, ocean systems, and weather patterns across the Northern hemisphere. 

Recent research from the Indian Institute of Tropical Meteorology showed that the declining Arctic sea ice is influencing Indian monsoons by altering Rossby waves and the Asian jet stream. The impact of this extends beyond climatology and impacts Indian agriculture, food security, water management, and disaster preparedness. Further, the cryosphere – i.e. the Arctic, the Antarctic and the Himalayan regions – forms an interconnected climate system. Accelerated melting of ice, whether of Himalayan glaciers or at the poles, contributes to sea level rise, threatening around 11,000 kilometers of India’s coastline and island territories.

The second reason India should care about the poles is maritime connectivity. More than 90 percent of India’s merchandise trade by volume is transported by sea. With a changing climate, the Northern Sea Route through the Arctic is becoming more navigable, and that can influence global shipping economics, logistics, and supply chains. India, whose maritime vision is reflected through initiatives like SAGAR and transit corridors like the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC), can no longer view developments in the Arctic in isolation.

The third dimension to this lies in geoeconomics. The polar region holds significant reserves of hydrocarbons, fisheries, and critical minerals essential for renewable energy technology and other strategic industries. International resource and environmental safeguards will continue to regulate the utilization of polar resources. A country like India, in pursuit of resilient supply chains, self-reliance, and energy security, can’t afford to remain absent from these discussions, and hence requires a comprehensive polar strategy.

The Polar Great Game

If climate change provides the environmental rationale for polar engagement, and economics adds value to the proposition, geopolitics provides the strategic imperative. 

In recent years, the Arctic has evolved from a scientific frontier to a new arena of strategic competition. Russia transformed the Northern Sea Route into a key economic corridor and is strengthening its military base across the region, whereas NATO has renewed its focus on the High North following recent European security developments. China has been particularly proactive in the Arctic since issuing its Arctic White Paper (2018), which described China as a “near Arctic” country and proposed the Polar Silk Road as an expansion to the Belt and Road Initiative. 

The interests of New Delhi differ fundamentally from its peers, as it seeks neither  territorial influence nor resource competition, but believes in scientific credibility and a rule-based international order. However, one lesson is clear: to ensure influence and resource security, India requires sustained institutions and strategy dedicated to the poles.

Unlike the Arctic, Antarctica is governed through the Antarctic Treaty System of 1959, which reserves the continent for peaceful scientific purposes. India signed this treaty in 1983 and attained consultative party status in the system. However, today Antarctica can no longer be viewed solely through a scientific lens. Questions related to biodiversity, marine areas, resource management, and environmental governance are becoming equally important. Here, India’s decade-long scientific presence places the government in a leading position to advocate balance and a rule-based order in Antarctica and its overall safeguard as a global commons.

Further, India’s engagement with the polar regions should not be viewed solely through the lens of great power competition. Since the Non Alignment Movement, India has positioned itself as a leading voice of the Global South. With that history in mind, India brings a distinct perspective to polar governance, advocating for equity, sustainability, and inclusive multilateralism. 

The consequences of Arctic warming and Antarctic degradation are not limited to polar states; rather it disproportionately impacts developing countries through changing monsoon patterns, climate-induced disasters. Most of these countries lack influence and capacity to counter these issues. India in this situation, is positioned uniquely to bridge this gap through its scientific presence, diplomatic weight, and longstanding advocacy for climate justice, enabling it to push for a framework that reflects the concern of climate vulnerable states. 

This requires India not to treat the polar regions as an arena of scientific experiment alone, but instead push for responsible stewardship with the spirit of Vasudhaiva Kutumbkam. In its polar strategy, India should act as a bridge between the developed and developing world.

From Presence to Influence

By the above analysis, it can be said that a comprehensive polar strategy is the need of the hour for India to fulfill its national interests in a number of areas, be it climate security, energy security, great power competition or Global South politics. For India, however, a mere scientific presence is not enough; rather it requires strategic influence in the region.

The Parliamentary Stand Committee recommended that India appoint a Polar Ambassador, establish a Polar Affairs Desk at the Ministry of External Affairs, and acquire a polar research vessel, among others. These points deserve serious consideration. Following the recommendations will provide continuity and coordination in diplomacy, deepen India’s engagement with Arctic and Antarctic partners, and ensure consistent representation in decision-making forums.

However, diplomacy without a comprehensive strategy risks becoming symbolic. India already laid a foundation through its Arctic Policy of 2022. What it needs now is to translate these policies into an actionable strategy integrating both the Arctic and Antarctic in a single strategic framework.

First, India should establish a National Polar Coordination Mechanism by bringing related ministries like External Affairs, Defense, Shipping, Earth Science, and Environment for coordinated policymaking. Second, India should strengthen scientific leadership through the acquisition of modern research vessels, timely completion of Maitri II, and enhanced climate modeling and satellite observation. Third, India should institutionalize polar diplomacy by increasing cooperation with the Nordic states, Japan, South Korea, and other like-minded countries. Fourth, India should invest in strategic capacity by promoting research, scholarship in polar geopolitics, environmental governance, and maritime law across universities and policy institutions.

Fifth and finally, India should redefine its strategic geography, where the Arctic and Antarctic shall be part of India’s extended neighborhood, transcending conventional geographical boundaries. Development in these regions directly impact India’s security, economy, and environment; it’s time for India’s strategy to reflect that reality.

Ultimately, India’s polar engagement should not be measured by the number of research stations it operates or diplomatic positions it creates. Rather it should be evaluated based upon India’s ability to influence or shape polar governance. The Parliamentary Standing Committee’s recommendations provide an opportunity to move from scientific presence to strategic positioning by leveraging its scientific credibility, diplomatic capacity, and leadership. 

The Arctic and Antarctic may lie far beyond India’s territorial boundaries but in the near future these regions will shape India’s climate, economy, and security. Hence, the time has come for India to look beyond the Himalayas and take necessary steps for a comprehensive polar strategy.